ASEM: a right platform for conversation on shared global challenges

This is just the right time for a serious Asia-Europe conversation on shared global challenges. With Brexit around the corner, the world economy in poor shape, growing inequalities and discontent with globalisation on the rise, Asian and European leaders meeting in Ulan Bator, Mongolia, on July 15-16, have a great deal to talk about.Add to the list, an increased disconnect and mistrust between governments and citizens — especially between leaders and young people — the rise in populism, fears of uncontrolled immigration and violent extremism, and it’s clear that leaders at the Asia Europe Meeting (ASEM) summit in Mongolia will have a full agenda.Asian leaders and policymakers may believe that most of these issues are of relevance only to Europe. The truth is more complicated. The Brexit referendum last month has certainly highlighted the strength of these and other preoccupations among British (and other European voters). But many of these worries are shared by citizens across the world.Asia is as unequal a continent as is Europe. Winners and losers of globalisation exist on both continents and terrorists pose a challenge to Asian and European states alike. Even though they are masters of grabbing the headlines in Europe, populist politicians with simple messages exist in Asia as well. And leaders in both Asia and Europe need to build stronger connections with young people and respond to their worries about education, jobs, exclusion and marginalisation.It is important to have these discussions within ASEM. Given its informal format and structure, ASEM offers a unique platform for an open, no holds-barred high-level brainstorm on issues of mutual interest. The leaders’ retreat session is especially suited to the debate on shared challenges.In fact, it is the need for such a conversation that led to the creation of ASEM 20 years ago — and that is likely to give ASEM renewed geo-strategic relevance and increased credibility in the coming years.ASEM stakeholders — including policymakers, members of parliament, civil society representatives, academics and members of think tanks as well as young people and business leaders — are engaged in impressive efforts to make ASEM fit for purpose in the 21st Century.The emphasis should be on new ideas and increased connectivity as part of a potent new recipe for injecting new energy and dynamism into ASEM.Transforming ASEM into a hub or network of ideas and initiatives will give the Asia-Europe relationship a geo-strategic raison d’être, which it has lost over the last two decades. The platform for networking, dialogue and cooperation it provides today makes it even more essential in an interdependent and complex world. Asia-Europe connectivity is now a fact of life and reinforcing these networks through stronger institutional, infrastructure, digital and people-to-people linkages is rightfully emerging as a central element of efforts to revive and renew ASEM.ASEM has met many of its original goals by providing Asian and European leaders with opportunities to get to know one another, encouraging greater people-to-people understanding and providing the two regions with avenues to explore new areas of cooperation in the political, economic and social sectors.An array of ASEM meetings allows policymakers from both regions to exchange views on regional and global issues and strengthen their economic relations through greater trade and investment. Additionally, meetings between business leaders, parliamentarians, academics and civil society actors — and young leaders — have allowed ASEM to make important headway in enhancing mutual Asia-Europe understanding and upgrading the quality and diversity of the Asia-Europe conversation.While these connections are important, ASEM can do much more by playing a more central role than it has so far in generating, nourishing and disseminating new ideas about living and working together in a globalised world.This requires the setting up of an “ASEM Brains Trust” or network of think tanks/studies centres, which can help to enliven ASEM by turning into a market place for ideas and initiatives. Proposals and ideas generated within such a studies centre should be fed directly into the work of senior ASEM officials and the activities of other stakeholders. Such tasks could be performed by an ASEM coordination centre of the kind being recommended by Mongolia.This combination of ideas and connectivity allowing for a permanent circulation and exchange of thoughts, knowledge, experience and expertise can revive ASEM for the third decade. The summit in Ulaanbataar can and should set ASEM on the road to renewal. The 21st Century is proving to be turbulent, violent and unpredictable. ASEM can help increase Asian and European understanding of a very complicated world.

China seeks to enhance Asia-Europe connectivity

China is expected to contribute more to the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) by promoting greater relations between the two regions at an upcoming summit.

Chinese Premier Li Keqiang will unveil new proposals in deepening cooperation between Asia and Europe during his first foreign visit this year.

Li will attend the 11th ASEM summit in Mongolian capital Ulan Bator from July 15 to 16, after an official visit to the country from July 13 to 14.

ASEM has provided an important platform for political dialogue, economic cooperation, and cultural and social exchange between Asia and Europe.

Launched in 1996, the biennial ASEM summit has served as a venue for dialogue between countries in Asia and Europe. ASEM now includes 53 Asian and European members. The 11th ASEM summit to be held in Mongolia marks the 20th anniversary of the group's founding.

Shada Islam, director of policy at the Brussels-based think-tank Friends of Europe, said that ASEM has performed well in terms of bringing together Asia and Europe.

"The revitalization of this important forum is to a large extent a consequence of the fact that China is very much engaged into it," said Shada Islam in a recent interview with Xinhua.

She explained that ASEM is very flexible but needs some fresh energy, and said she believes that discussions on connectivity will provide that kind of new dynamism.

"ASEM members are expecting more from China, the second largest economy in the world. It should show more courage and wisdom and allocate more resources in leading the interconnectivity between Asia and Europe," said Cui Hongjian, director of the Department for European Studies of the China Institute of International Studies.

Cui noted the importance of linking China's Belt and Road Initiative to existing ASEM projects such as the Asia-Europe continental bridge as well as to more new projects to boost their connectivity.

China attended all ASEM summits ever since its birth, and the proposals it made in the past 20 years have borne witness to its contributions to the platform.

The Mongolian summit is highly looked to as it will work out the plan for priorities in the next 10 years.

The ASEM faces the challenge to enhance its relevance in looking for more spots of common interests between Asia and Europe, said Ding Yifan, an economist with the Development Research Center of the Chinese State Council.

Ding suggested more cooperation between Asia and Europe in technology and environmental protection, as well as increased efforts in dealing with possible differences among Asian and European members.

Ding expects the Chinese premier will touch upon such topics during the summit in a bid to bring out more momentum from the ASEM in the next decade.

Meanwhile, Li is also likely to discuss with other Asian and European leaders the Brexit issue, the South China Sea arbitration unilaterally initiated by the Philippines, and other hot topics across the region.

The upcoming visit by Li is expected to seek more convergence between China's Belt and Road Initiative and Mongolia's Steppe Road program.

More cooperation in production capacity, major projects and finance is expected to inject more vitality in China-Mongolia ties.

There's opportunity for Mongolia's Steppe Road program to get aligned with the Belt and Road Initiative, which will greatly benefit the Mongolian economy as well as the construction of a tri-party economic corridor involving China, Mongolia and Russia, said Gao Shumao, the former Chinese ambassador to Mongolia.

On efforts to aligning the Belt and Road Initiative and the Steppe Road program, Gao said there is huge potential for the two sides to cooperate in rail and highway construction, clean energy, tourism, health care and people-to-people exchanges.

Chinese President Xi Jinping's visit to Mongolia in 2014 laid a sound foundation for China-Mongolia relations, and Li is expected to strengthen those ties during his trip, said Gao.

No schedule yet to restart negotiations on India-EU free trade pact: EU official

The 28-member European Union (EU) is “encouraged” by the political momentum the long-discussed India-EU free trade agreement (FTA) gained at the summit held between the two in Brussels at the end of March, but both sides have not been able to fix a schedule to restart negotiations as yet, an EU official said.Both sides have “outstanding issues” to sort out and “the European Commission offered India on several occasions and in different formats to create an adequate forum to discuss outstanding issues...to enable the process to move forward,” Daniel Rosario, a spokesman for the EU trade department, told a group of visiting Indian journalists on Monday.The last round of talks on India-EU FTA was held in 2013 and the discussions have remained deadlocked on issues such as tariffs on automobiles and wines and spirits, Rosario said.In the auto sector, EU is unhappy given that its exporters have to face Indian import duties of up to 100% on cars and car parts. And in the case of wines and spirits, European exporters face tariffs as high as up to 150%, Rosario said.He said the EU had put forward several proposals in 2013 to break the deadlock.“We suggested long transitional periods for their elimination or going as far as accepting asymmetric elimination of these duties in favour of India” in the case of automobiles, he said. In the case of wines and spirits, “the proposal made in 2013 was for a gradual if not complete elimination of these duties and taking into account the Indian sensitivities”, he said.“We clearly identified the areas where we expect India to make some movement and we offered some fora to go into some specific discussions to allow for the general discussion to move ahead and for the time being, this has not happened,” he added.When asked if the EU would agree to re-open negotiations from the start, Rosario said the EU could not “ignore all the work that has been done so far”.Despite the many contentious issues, “we are encouraged to see that in the last (India-EU) summit at the end of March, both sides agreed to re-engage in this process to give it the necessary momentum”, Rosario said, referring to the 30 March India-EU summit in Brussels. India was represented by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the EU side was represented by Donald Tusk, president of the European Council and Jean-Claude Juncker, president of the European Commission.But Rosario did not seem to have an answer when asked when the talks will get going again.According to analysts, the trade pact could serve as an “anchor” for bilateral relations, besides proving to European businesses that “India is open for businesses”.The March India-EU summit was the first in four years and followed the EU’s refusal last year to confirm the dates of a proposed visit by Modi amid a diplomatic row over the slow progress in India of the trial of two Italian marines accused of killing two Indian fishermen in 2012.Talks on the Bilateral Trade and Investment Agreement—the official title of the free trade pact—started in 2007 but progress has been tardy and marked by flip-flops. India cancelled a meeting with the EU chief trade negotiator in August last year in protest against an import ban on 700 of its generic drugs clinically tested by GVK Biosciences for alleged manipulation of clinical trials.“The GVK issue, it’s a decision for us that has nothing to do with the negotiations of a trade agreement, it never had a link,” Rosario said.Later, during a meeting between Modi and Tusk in the Turkish city of Antalya in November on the margins of a G-20 meet, both sides agreed to hold a stock taking meeting between the chief negotiators before resuming formal talks. The stock-taking talks, including a meeting between Indian commerce secretary Rita Teaotia and EU Trade Commissioner Cecilia Malmström in Brussels on 22 February, however, did not produce any results.The impression in New Delhi seems to be that with the EU involved in talks with the US on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, it is not focused on trade talks with Asia’s third largest economy. Also occupying European mind space is the British referendum, to be held on 23 June, on whether the country should remain in the EU.“There was a long discussion on the trade agreement during the India-EU summit and we have conveyed to them (EU) that we are committed to the agreement,” said a person on the Indian side who is familiar with the developments.On India’s part, disputed issues in the trade talks include the so-called Mode 4, a provision of the 1995 General Agreement on Trade in Services, which seeks to facilitate the movement of professionals from one country to another.According to Shada Islam, director at the Policy Friends of Europe think tank based in Brussels, India-EU ties seemed to be a work in progress with India focused on consolidating ties with countries like the US.“The India-EU relationship is not as vibrant as the EU-China partnership,” she said, adding that the 30 March summit “seemed to be the beginning of a new understanding with misconceptions on their way out”.“At the moment, we (India and the EU) don’t have a strong anchor for our relations and the trade agreement could serve as that anchor,” she said.Total bilateral trade between India and the EU, which is India’s largest trading partner, was €78 billion in 2015, according to EU figures.The EU is one of the largest foreign direct investors in India with investments of €38.5 billion since 2000. 

India Free Trade Agreement: European Union Expects Both Sides To Move With Caution

Talks on the free trade agreement between the EU and India started in 2007 but there has been little progress since then.

Even as the European Union (EU) is preparing its reply to a letter written by India’s commerce and industry minister, Nirmala Sitharaman asking for a meeting of chief negotiators to resume dialogue on the free trade agreement, the EU feels that this time around the two sides will move with caution.

“You don’t negotiate trade agreements without caution. Caution goes hand in hand with ambition. So you have to be able to deliver in the end a deal that is both ambitious and in the interest of both the sides,” said Daniel Rosaro, spokesperson Trade, Directorate-General Communication-EU.

Last year in August, India cancelled a meeting with the EU chief trade negotiator in protest against an import ban on 700 of its generic drugs clinically tested by GVK Biosciences for alleged manipulation of clinical trials. According to Rosaro, India should not have cancelled the meeting with the EU chief negotiator as the import ban was not linked to the free trade agreement. “For us this (cancellation of meeting) was a step that was not really justified at that time and we have explained it why. The GVK issue had nothing to do with the negotiation of a trade agreement,” said Rosaro.

When asked if the EU is focussing more on Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) than negotiating free trade agreement with India, Rosaro said, “TTIP is a very demanding process and has brought new public interest in trade policy, but it is one of the many processes where the EU is involved in terms of trade policy we have a broad ambitious global trade agenda in which India comes as one priority.” Shada Islam, director of policy at Friends of Europe, a think-tank  that aims to stimulate new thinking on global and European issues said while India needs to engage with the EU at a higher level and focus on its relationship with Europe, the EU too has to keep up the momentum in its relationship with India.

In November 2015,  Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Donald Tusk, president of the European Council, met in Turkey on the sidelines of a G-20 meet and agreed to hold a stocktaking meeting before resuming formal talks. In March, during the EU- India summit the two sides have now developed a strategic partnership for joint cooperation in many areas under the title EU-India Agenda for Action 2020. “The fact that EU and India have identified quite a few areas of synergies whether it’s smart cities or clean India is quite interesting. I hope this will open up ways for businesses to get involved. We think that there is a lot of potential in  Narendra Modi’s drive for modernisation of India. But we need to see how this can work out in reality, “ said Islam. “What we are also watching very closely is also how India works within the G-20 because that’s for us is one of the new global governance tools,” Islam said.

Narendra Modi to visit Brussels for EU-India summit

Prime Minister Narendra Modi is expected to visit Belgium on March 30 to attend the European Union-India Summit being held after four years.

The first visit of an Indian prime minister to Brussels in six years will reinvigorate EU-India ties and inject new momentum into the relationship, Manjeev Singh Puri, Indian ambassador to the EU, said.

"We hope to use this summit to ensure that whatever may have happened, a few little slip ups here and there, we are back on the rails for bilateral meaning and collaborations which is for global good," Puri said at an event on EU-India relations, organised by the think tank 'Friends of Europe'.

"We are the world's two largest democracies, we encompass diversity. We have 22 official languages in India. You, in the EU, have 24. We have 29 federal states, you have 28 member states. This itself should give you the idea why there is a sense of comfort which should be driven by far greater invigoration," he said.

"We hope to see a vastly invigorated modern relationship," he added.

On her part, Shada Islam, director of policy at the Friends of Europe in her introductory remarks said: "If both sides play their cards right, the summit could pave the way for a more ambitious, dynamic and adventurous EU-India relationship."

"India and  EU need a new conversation, a new focus on shared interests as well as new goals and ambitions. Above all, they need to take a fresh look at each other, replacing tired misperceptions and cliches. The summit should come up with a new EU-India action plan which is short, snappy and action-oriented," she suggested.

The event, organised with the support of Tata Consultancy Services, was attended by senior officials from the EU and international institutions, diplomats, business and NGO representatives, academics and other key stakeholders.

Addressing the issue of the ongoing negotiations on the EU-India trade and investment agreement, other speakers on the occasion discussed sectors which are ripe for increased EU-India synergies.

The last EU-India Summit was organised in 2012 in New Delhi.

Trade discord should not affect EU-China relations

EVERYONE loves a good trade war or at least a trade skirmish. As a reporter, I’ve written endlessly about quarrels between nations over imports and exports of textiles, footwear, bicycles, steel and other equally mundane products.

The battles are over tariffs (too high or too low), market access, quotas, subsidies, non-tariff barriers and other obstacles and restrictions. And they usually involve the European Union — after all I am based in Brussels and the EU is the world’s largest trader — and a motley group of nations including the United States, Japan, China, India, Pakistan and so on.

With global trade in goods running at around 18 trillion or so dollars a year, it is hardly surprising that nations sometimes rub each other the wrong way. Trade is important because it creates jobs, growth and development.

But confrontations over steel, textile and other products have a nasty way of infecting not just the conversation on trade between states but also their overall “beyond trade” relationship.

This is what may happen in the ongoing debate in the EU over granting market economy status (MES) to China.

The story goes back to 2001 when China joined the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and promised to liberalise trade and undertake a swathe of economic reforms. The deal was that China’s partners would continue to treat it as a “non-market economy” until December 2016 after which according to Beijing’s interpretation it would get full MES.

So what’s so important? If China is granted MES, the EU (and other WTO members) will find it more difficult to slap anti-dumping fines or duties on Chinese products believed to be sold in Europe at unfairly low prices.

China believes it should be granted MES automatically under WTO rules. The EU is split on the issue. And the discussion is further complicated by the global oversupply of steel and the recent increase in Chinese steel exports to Europe.

The European Commission is under pressure from many of its member states to step up action to relieve an ailing steel industry suffering from tumbling prices and cheap imports from China and Russia.

The EU is the second largest producer of steel in the world after China, producing over 177 million tonnes a year and accounting for 11 per cent of global output. But 85,000 jobs in the steel sector have been lost since 2008 representing over 20 per cent of the workforce. The EU also has some of the world’s highest energy costs and green taxes.

Disgruntled steel workers have poured on to the streets of Brussels demanding that the EU stop any moves to grant MES to China because it would worsen their fate. Alarmist studies warn that between 1.7 million and 3.5 million jobs would be lost if China gets MES. Washington is also adamant that Brussels should not meet China’s demands for MES access.

While Brussels deliberates over the matter, Beijing insists that the EU must not renege on its WTO obligation. Tempers are beginning to fray, raising concerns that the carefully-crafted overall EU-China relationship is being impacted.

That would be a pity. Total trade between China and the EU comes to almost one billion euros a day. Anti-dumping actions and the granting of MES only account for a small percentage of such trade. And in any case, granting MES to China would not prevent the EU from pursuing anti-dumping cases against China.

But trade quarrels have a way of becoming politicised and spiralling out of control. Which is exactly why both the EU and China need to think carefully about keeping their relations on track while resolving the MES issue.

It’s no secret that China has an over capacity in the steel sector of 400 million tonnes. Much of the surplus is exported to Europe, with 53 per cent increase of steel imports from China last year.

This has led EU Trade Minister Cecilia Malmstrom to warn that “whatever happens to the market economy status, China needs to behave responsibly and to make sure that its overproduction of steel isn’t dumped into the global market”.

According to some reports, the EU may give MES to China on the condition that Beijing reduces the amount of steel it exports to Europe. Other options could include the negotiation of a “package deal” under which China would agree to restrict its exports of steel and speed up negotiations on a bilateral investment treaty in exchange for an EU decision to grant MES and to undertake an exploratory study on an EU-China free trade agreement, a long-standing Chinese demand.

China has already made some conciliatory moves. In a letter sent to the EU, China’s Trade Minister Gao Hucheng has said Beijing is committed to decrease the steel output “by between 100 and 150 million tonnes”.

But the conversation continues. A decision on MES will likely be made by the EU towards the end of 2016. In addition to the European Commission, the European Parliament and national governments also need to give their approval.

It’s going to be complicated. Both sides need to tackle the issue carefully and cautiously. The focus must be on compromise and cool-headed deliberation.

It would be unfortunate if the carefully-crafted and multifaceted EU-China relationship were to suffer because of discord over trade.

Indonesia Matters 2015: Video

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As a major Asian economic powerhouse, the world’s largest Muslim majority nation and third largest democracy, Indonesia’s future direction matters to a closely watching world. Since taking over last autumn, President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo has outlined a new foreign policy focused on three priorities: maintaining Indonesia’s sovereignty, enhancing the protection of Indonesian citizens, and intensifying economic diplomacy. On the economic front, the President has scrapped petrol subsidies, giving the government more fiscal room to tackle other priorities including increased spending on health, education and infrastructure. Six months on, what are the new President’s key achievements and challenges? As he goes about strengthening his credentials at home, is President “Jokowi” putting at risk Indonesia’s global reputation? Will Indonesia’s new “people-oriented” foreign policy priorities change Indonesia’s interaction with the world? Is Indonesia still committed to ASEAN as a cornerstone of its foreign policy? What are the most important economic tasks facing Indonesia today? And is Indonesia doing enough to act as a model for other Muslim countries and transfer its successful experience on democratic transition to other nations. What role do SMEs play in the economic development of Indonesia? What are Indonesia’s expectation of  the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC)? What is the state of EU-Indonesia trade and economic relations?

Moderated by Shada Islam, Director of Policy at Friends of Europe, the panel includes Marc Deschamps, Director of Muslim Economic Department, L'Agence wallonne à l'Exportation et aux Investissements étrangers (AWEX); Rahimah Abdulrahim, Executive Director, The Habibie Center, Jakarta, Indonesia; Felia Salim, Former Vice President Director, Bank Negara Indonesia (BNI) and Ugo Astuto, Acting Managing Director  for Asia and the Pacific, European External Action Service (EEAS). 

Europe - China forum 2015: Video

Trade and business have long been the backbone of EU-China relations.  But as both Europe and China expand their regional and global presence, there are an increasing number of areas where EU-China cooperation and consultation have become a compelling necessity.  Building on successful efforts to work together in anti-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden, Beijing and Brussels are interested in further developing their security and defence cooperation.

China’s economic transformation continues to intrigue and mesmerise – and create immense business opportunities – for a closely-watching world.  The coming decade promises to be even more transformative as China shifts the focus to sustainable, green, high-quality growth, the development of the service sector and speeds up efforts to build a digital economy. China's start-up scene is abuzz with new products, new ideas and new investments. With access to some 640 million Chinese netizens, including 530 million mobile internet users, China now boasts a new class of internet companies which are creating their own business models, becoming increasingly innovative and extending their outreach in rural as well as in urban areas.

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In part 1, Friends of Europe Secretary General, Giles Merritt, moderates the discussion. The panel includes Shada Islam, Director of Policy at Friends of Europe; Chi Fulin, President of the China Institute for Reform and Development (CIRD); Linda Corugedo Steneberg, Principal Adviser at the European Commission Directorate General for Communications Networks, Content and Technology (DG CONNECT); Luigi Gambardella, President of China-EU; Jeongmin Seong, Senior Fellow at the McKinsey Global Institute (MGI) and co-author of the MGI report: “China’s digital transformation: The Internet’s impact on productivity and growth”;and Guo Wei, Chairman and Executive Director of  Digital China

The disussion focusing on what are the key challenges facing “Digital China”? How do China’s ambitions fit in with Europe’s own efforts to create a more competitive “Digital Europe”? What is the significance of China’s “Internet Plus” plan and 5G cooperation between the EU and China? Does China’s service-led economic transformation create new opportunities for EU-China innovation cooperation? What new investment opportunities will be opening up in China’s services sector in areas such as transport, communications, finance and health care?

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In part 2, the panel discuss strengthening connections: “One Belt, One Road”, trade and investments. President Xi Jinping’s plans for the Silk Road Economic Belt and a 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (termed together “One Belt, One Road”) aimed at building two economic corridors with important development implications for many nations. China has set aside 40 billion dollars for the Silk Road Fund and another 100 billion dollars are being invested in the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB).

How will Europe benefit from the construction of the Silk Road Economic Belt? What is the potential for synergies between the Chinese and European infrastructure and connectivity policies? Which sectors are likely to benefit most from such cooperation? What will be the role of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank in financing the “One Belt, One Road” initiative? Can the EU and China work together to build and improve the decision-making and governance mechanisms of the AIIB? How are negotiations proceeding on an EU-China Bilateral Investment Treaty? How will the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) impact on China? Could the successful negotiation of the investment accord pave the way for talks on an EU-China free trade agreement?

Introductory remarks are made by Lv Fengding, Vice President of the China Public Diplomacy Association (CPDA) and Former Chinese Ambassador to Sweden. Speakers in part to include Jo Leinen, Chair of the European Parliament Delegation for Relations with the People’s Republic of China; Mario Esteban, Senior Analyst at the Real Instituto Elcano; Yonghui Li, President of the International Relations Institute, Beijing Foreign Studies University; Haiyan Zhang, Director of NEOMA Confucius Institute for Business at the NEOMA Business School and Professor of Asia/China Business Strategy and Management at Antwerp Management School; André Loesekrug-Pietri, Founder & Managing Partner, A CAPITAL, Finance committee board member, Friends of Europe and Liqin He / General Manager of Bank of China (Luxembourg), S.A. Brussels Branch.

View from abroad: Xi’s visit to Britain: it’s also about the EU (Originally published 24/10/2015 at Dawn.com)

President Xi Jinping’s recent trip to the United States grabbed global headlines. By going to Britain, the Chinese leader has sent an equally important signal of his interests and determination in deepening and expanding China’s ties with Britain — but also with Europe.Beijing and Washington certainly need to talk to each other on a range of bilateral and international issues. And the Sino-American agreements reached on cybersecurity and climate change will help ease relations between the world’s two leading political and economic actors.But President Xi and Prime Minister Li Keqiang’s many visits to Brussels, Paris and Berlin this year — and now Xi’s high-profile trip to Britain — underline that China and Europe have also made a strategic choice to further develop and expand relations.China’s focus on Europe and on Britain is important for several reasons. Tackling challenges in a multipolar and multi-complex world requires more than cooperation between China and the US. It also demands working in tandem with the European Union and its 28 member states.Britain, given its global role and influence is, of course, especially important. President Xi’s visit, including his high-level meetings, underline to a watching world — and to the rest of Europe — that China still views Britain as a key international player.Significantly, Xi’s visit follows a trip to China by UK Chancellor George Osborne last month, during which he said Britain should be China’s “best partner in the West”.It’s not just Britain that wants closer ties with China, however. Germany remains a strong contender for the title of Beijing’s ‘best friend’ in Europe. And more generally while relations between China and individual EU states are important, ties with the EU are also improving, with the launch of the connectivity platform and the agreement to cooperate on developing 5G networks.Europe certainly has the markets China needs for its exports — and trade is still booming. European expertise and know-how is critically important to help meet China’s urbanisation, climate, innovation and other developmental challenges. Most recently, there is a focus on synergies between the ‘One Belt, One Road’ project and Europe’s own investment blueprint for transport, digital and technology networks. Britain and British companies have a key role to play in such cooperation, both on a bilateral level but also through the EU.True, the EU’s many recent crises have eroded much of its lustre. Last year has been especially difficult as EU leaders have grappled with continuing troubles in the Eurozone, struggled to tackle the influx of refugees fleeing war and conflict in Syria and Africa while also dealing with longer-term problems of low growth and high unemployment.For the next few months, the focus in London, Brussels and in other EU capitals will be on Britain and the country’s upcoming referendum on its membership of the EU.The EU is hoping that Britain will opt to stay in. And while no EU leader would say so in public, many are clearly hoping that President Xi gives a clear but subtle message to British citizens to vote in favour of EU membership. As such, it is especially significant that the Chinese president has met leaders of the opposition parties and parliamentary leaders.But that’s not the only reason that the EU kept a close watch on President Xi’s speeches and meetings in Britain. China-watchers in Brussels and elsewhere in the EU wanted to learn more about the state of the Chinese economy after the market volatility over the summer and what to expect as China’s development priorities in the upcoming 13th Five-Year Plan.Meanwhile, Xi’s speech in London provided further insight into China’s hopes for the internationalisation of the renminbi and also information on China’s priorities as it prepares to take over as chair of the G20.Certainly as in other EU capitals, the focus was on business, with Britain looking for Chinese investments in key projects such as a high speed rail line in the north of the country and a deal on Chinese investments in the Hinkley Point C nuclear plant. The UK is now China’s largest investment destination country in Europe.More investment opportunities for Chinese companies opened up in the railway, energy, aviation and telecommunications industries. Significantly, leading the way for other European countries, Britain joined the Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), despite opposition from Washington, earlier this year. Within the EU, Britain’s opinion is important as the EU and China negotiate their Bilateral Investment Treaty and will be even more important if and when the two sides start discussions on a Free Trade Agreement.There used to be a time not so long ago when China’s friendships with individual EU member states were viewed with suspicion by Brussels. This was especially the case as regards China’s ‘special relationship’ with Germany and the burgeoning ties between Beijing and the Central and Eastern European states. Fortunately, such unease is now mostly over, with many policymakers agreeing that stronger bilateral ties between China and the individual EU member states — including Britain — help to consolidate and deepen the wider EU-China relationship.

View from abroad: Free trade and the new world order (Originally published 01/08/2015 at Dawn.com)

The signal for exporting nations is clear: if you count — or want to count — in the new world order, make sure you join a regional free trade agreement.That’s the message that many global trading nations will be taking home if — as expected — the US-led Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) free trade deal is finalised this weekend in Hawaii.Certainly, most nations still pay lip service to the multilateral trading system symbolised by the World Trade Organisation (WTO). And yes, there is also a focus on bilateral free trade agreements as well as plurilateral deals.But once, again, loudly and clearly: the trend towards mega-regionals is unstoppable and that’s where savvy nations are headed.As described by one newspaper, FTAs are “the new Great Game at the dawn of the 21st century”.The TPP is about trade and commercial interests, certainly. It’s about creating growth and jobs. But it is about more than that: it’s also about overarching strategy and geopolitics and just which nation will emerge as the primary power in the Asia-Pacific region.So let’s be clear: the TPP is US-led and China — along with India and Indonesia — is excluded. Still, the TPP would create a 12-nation grouping including five countries in the Americas (Canada, the US, Chile, Mexico and Peru); five in Asia (Brunei, Japan, Malaysia, Singapore and Vietnam); and New Zealand. South Korea, the Philippines and Taiwan have voiced interest in joining.Once signed, the TPP will form a free trade area with a population of 800 million, which accounts for 30 per cent of global trade turnover and nearly 40 per cent of global output.That is impressive. And clearly those outside the TPP are worried. And are not sitting still.First, China. Convinced that TPP is meant to “contain” China’s regional and global outreach, Beijing is working on several fronts to counter the US led initiative.Beijing is actively promoting the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) which would include members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as well as India.China is also taking up the Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (FTAAP) which would bring together members of the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum.Most significantly, China’s President Xi Jinping has come up with the ambitious ‘One Belt, One Road’ initiative to connect an array of Asian and European nations through transport, infrastructure and ICT links — and ultimately through unfettered trade.India’s actions may not be that visible but Delhi is creating stronger trade links with Southeast Asian nations while also seeking to negotiate a free trade agreement with the European Union. The EU-India negotiations are in an impasse at the moment — but both sides are trying to inject much-needed momentum into the talks.Which brings us to the EU. European trade officials did not, at first, take the TPP very seriously. As the deal looks set to be signed, attitudes appear to be changing.The EU is negotiating FTAs with a number of Asian nations — Japan, Vietnam and Malaysia — which are also members of TPP. A free trade deal with New Zealand and Australia has not been ruled out. And Singapore has already signed a free trade pact with the EU.And, significantly, for the EU, China is demanding exploratory talks on the pros and cons of an EU-China FTA. Brussels has so far filibustered by insisting that it first wants to conclude ongoing negotiations on an EU-China Bilateral Investment Treaty (BIT) before considering a free trade deal. But sooner rather than later, the EU will have to acquiesce.The EU has of course responded by trying to hammer out its own Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) with Washington. But those negotiations have run afoul of civil society groups which fear that TTIP will lower EU health, food and other standards.In Asia, however, if it is to compete with the US and China, the EU needs to start FTA negotiations with the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Europe could be even more ambitious and seek a trade deal which covers ASEAN as well as New Zealand and Australia.More ambitious still would be a trade agreement which would cover all 51 countries which have signed up for ASEM, the Asia Europe partnership.Clearly, therefore, trade agreements these days are about commercial and economic interests but also geopolitical outcomes.US President Barack Obama has no doubts that “if we don’t write the rules for free trade around the world, guess what, China will … and they’ll write those rules in a way that gives Chinese workers and Chinese businesses the upper hand.”Make no mistake: the TPP and other FTAs of its kind are not easy to negotiate. The scope of such deals is enormous — covering questions ranging from copyright law to labour and immigration issues, as well as more standard trade talk of import tariffs and exceptions for sensitive commodities.It is crucial that TPP — and the transatlantic TTIP if it is ever completed — keep the doors open, with no discriminatory terms set for newcomers.Finally, while it is understandable that countries, frustrated by the long-stalled Doha round of global trade talks, have turned their attention to various initiatives to set up regional FTAs, they should try to maintain the WTO’s central role in global trade liberalisation.The TPP process itself is an admission that the consensus-driven WTO is too cumbersome a venue for so-called “high-standard” trade deals. But it would be counterproductive and harmful to give up on the WTO and its ability to create a “level playing field” for all trading nations, big or small, rich or poor.

View from Abroad: Europe and the new world order (Originally published 11/07/2015 at dawn.com)

Entangled in the Greek debt crisis, few European policymakers had the time or interest this week to pay attention to the summit talks in the Russian city of Ufa between the leaders of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS).True, Europe has its hands full with Greece and the looming possibility of a Greek exit from the Eurozone. But the world doesn’t stop for Europe. And pretending that the BRICS and their self-confident leaders don’t matter — or matter little — is not an option.Discussions about the rapidly-transforming world, the role and influence of the BRICS and Europe’s relations with the emerging powers appear to be off the European Union agenda. For now, the focus is rightly on the existential threat posed by Grexit, the acrimony the Greek crisis has triggered across the EU and the worsening relationship among Eurozone leaders.Solving the Greek problem should of course take priority. But Europeans know that more is at stake. Italy’s Prime Minister Matteo Renzi has so far been most vocal in signalling his fears that the fury unleashed by the difficulties in Greece is damaging the very existence of the EU. But this thought is also in many other minds. If Europe can’t get its house in order, it really does run the risk of becoming irrelevant on an increasingly crowded global stage.For the moment, most Europeans seem to fall into two categories: those who fear the rapidly-changing world order and the increasingly long list of nations clamouring for a stronger role on the world stage and those who hope that if they look the other way, firm up their bonds with the United States, the world won’t change too much and the BRICS will gradually fade away.There are some, wiser, people in the middle: they may not be enthusiastic about the changes being made to the global status quo; but they also know that times are changing fast and that Europe needs to adapt, adjust and accommodate.It was on the advice of such people that despite strong pressure from the US not to do so, several EU countries decided to join the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) set up by China.While many Europeans voice fear that China is “buying up” European assets, cooler heads are urging the EU to join forces with China’s ambitious ‘One Belt, One Road’ transport networks to boost domestic growth and jobs.Similar arguments for and against cooperating with emerging nations are likely to come to the fore as Europeans discuss membership of the New Development Bank (NDB) being set up by the BRICS to fund projects in member countries.Headquartered in Shanghai, the bank is expected to be operational by end of 2015. Once fully operational, it will become an alternative financing source for the BRICS nations and other emerging markets.Like the head of the AIIB, the first chief of the BRICS bank, India’s K. V. Kamath has been quoted as saying that the NDB sees other multilateral lending institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank and Asian Development Bank (ADB) as partners rather than rivals.And yet many continue to be suspicious. The US and Japan have not yet joined the AIIB and many EU policymakers continue to voice fears that the new banks will fall short of high Western standards of transparency and accountability.The BRICS have made clear that they don’t really care. The Old Guard is welcome to come on board, but the world is moving on and they won’t stop for the laggards.Russia, given its tense relations with the West following the crisis in Ukraine and the annexation of Crimea, has taken the toughest line in its dealing with Europe and America. As Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov underlined in Ufa, emerging nations represent a “new polycentric system of international relations” and demonstrate new global centres of power.As he shook hands with his Chinese, Indian, South African and Brazilian counterparts, a beaming Russian President Vladimir Putin made clear that he was far from the sad and isolated man that the West wants him to be.And it’s not just about the BRICS. An array of newly-empowered nations and groupings are challenging Europe and America’s dominance of the post World War II order. Mexico, Indonesia, Korea, Turkey and Australia are part of MIKTA which claims to act as a bridge between old and new powers.New Zealand says it is the champion of “small nations” without whose support nothing can be achieved on the global stage. The Group of 20 remains relevant as a forum which brings together industrialised and emerging countries.And then there is also the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) which EU and Nato policymakers also tend to shrug off as an impotent “paper tiger”.They shouldn’t. As India and Pakistan set out on the road to membership of the SCO, it is clear that while the security organisation does not see itself as a rival to Nato, it does intend to make its voice heard on global security challenges.Underlining just how significantly the world has changed, the five BRICS countries and the six SCO members which include China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan — joined by India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran and Mongolia which have observer status — held a joint summit in Ufa.The Greek crisis was on the BRICS agenda of course. While Europe may not like the new world out there, emerging nations know that in an interconnected and interdependent world, what happens in Europe affects them. And that a failed Europe is in nobody’s interest.

View from Abroad: All aboard the Silk Road express (Originally published 27/06/2015 at dawn.com)

Europe has been slow in its response to China’s ‘One Belt, One Road’ initiative. This may be about to change. If both sides play their cards right, the EU-China Summit on June 29 could kick-start a much-needed conversation on synergies between China’s ambitious vision of an interconnected world and Europe’s mega investment plan to boost jobs and growth.The rewards of such cooperation could be enormous. Increased EU-China connectivity will increase bilateral trade between the two partners, create new business opportunities for European and Chinese enterprises, and boost employment, growth and development in Europe and China — and in countries along the routes.To start the dialogue, Europeans will have to take the long view. With the possibility of a Greek exit from the Eurozone getting ever closer, Britain’s plans for a referendum on its EU membership becoming more strident and growing discord over how to deal with the refugee crisis, European policymakers are thinking local, not global.It’s not just about domestic difficulties; Europe’s neighbourhood is also on fire.And yet, if Europe is to fulfil its ambitions of becoming a global actor while also meeting the domestic imperative of generating stronger economic growth and creating jobs, the EU policymakers must look beyond current emergencies to Europe’s medium-to-long-term needs.This is the logic behind the $315bn investment plan drawn up by European Commission President Jean Claude Juncker to modernise Europe’s infrastructure. With its focus on investments in energy, digital, transport and innovation, the blueprint has the potential to revitalise European economies over the next decade.But Europe can’t possibly do it alone. This is why it is important that EU governments, business leaders and academics start paying more attention to China’s headline-grabbing ‘One Belt, One Road’ initiative — and ways in which this could fit in with the EU’s own investment masterplan.After months of staying relatively silent on the subject, the EU policymakers are beginning to talk about — and explore — the advantages of synergies between the Juncker plan and the ‘One Belt, One Road’ initiative.Clearly, joining forces will unleash more resources. Implementing the EU investment plan will require the mobilisation of billions of euros of private and public funds as well as capital from the European Investment Bank (EIB). As European Commission Vice-President Jyrki Katainen said recently, the EU is hoping to attract Chinese investors to stump up some of the capital for the Juncker plan. The point has also been made by European Trade Commissioner Cecilia Malmstrom as well as by the European Commission president himself.The hope is clearly that the EU connectivity projects will be able to interest both the Silk Road Fund and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). The EU is particularly interested in meeting the long-term infrastructure needs in southern, eastern and central European countries and in the Balkan states. Greece as well as some members of the so-called ‘16+1’ group of central and eastern European countries have already indicated their strong interest in such Chinese investments. If all goes according to plan, the eastern part of Europe could connect seamlessly with the western projects on the new Silk Road.As the different ‘One Belt, One Road’ projects come on stream, business opportunities will open up for construction, transport and logistical companies — including European enterprises — across the route. EU-China trade is likely to get an important boost from the expected reduction in transport time and costs while EU exporters and investors will gain access to new growth markets in inland China and Central Asia. Such a development would give an added fillip to the current EU-China negotiations on a bilateral investment treaty.As it passes through often-volatile and less-developed countries and regions, the ‘One Belt, One Road’ has the potential to unleash economic potential across the way, bringing stability as well as growth to Europe — and China’s — neighbourhood. Such a conversation could be especially useful within the 53-member Asia Europe Meeting (ASEM) where connectivity is also climbing up the agenda.It’s not just about money, technology and goodwill, however. The EU insists that investment projects selected for financing under the ‘One Belt, One Road’ initiative must meet strict governance, environmental and technical standards, and result in sustainable development.Moving from dialogue to action will require time and effort — and willingness to compromise. China has taken its time in putting flesh on the bones of the project and in explaining its many facets to a closely-watching world. A more detailed dialogue is now necessary before the EU and China get down to identifying and working on the nuts and bolts of their cooperation. Given their different working methods and cultures, European and Chinese policymakers, bankers and business leaders won’t find it easy to work together.The devil will certainly be in the detail. Expectations will have to be managed on both sides. Selecting projects will be difficult and time-consuming. And there will be no quick results.But in a world desperate for money, jobs and modern infrastructure, China has once again shown its capacity to surprise and to think big. Europeans must come on board the Silk Road ‘express’, not just watch it from the sidelines.

Shada Islam quoted in 'Upcoming EU-China summit to take relationship to new level' (Xinhua 27/6/2015)

At the first official meeting between the European Union and China since the new EU leadership in December 2014, scheduled for later this month, director of policy at Friends of Europe, Shada Islam, said the summit would take the relationship to a new level.In a recent interview with Xinhua, Islam said there were possible synergies between the EU and China on building a digital economy and cooperation in EU-China connectivity, which would provide opportunities for both sides to work together on the "Belt and Road" transportation initiative.Moreover, she said the European side was "expecting China to confirm its participation in the EU's investment plan for creating jobs and growth.""These two developments will really inject more energy and more stability into the relationship, taking it to a new level," said Islam.She said both China and Europe have two key imperatives: jobs and growth. They need to create jobs for new entrants in the labor market and they need growth to ensure continued prosperity. In politics and security, they both need to build a more stable and prosperous world, and especially a more prosperous neighborhood. In trade, both want further trade liberalization, and know how important it is to keep away from protectionism."These are signs that the relationship is becoming more diverse and also more focused on practical questions where both sides can work together and learn from each other," she said.Noting that discord over trade questions would crop up from time to time, Islam said what was important was that these questions could be resolved in a "timely and non-confrontational" manner.Concerning global issues, Islam said the world needed to work together to ensure peace and that meant working with China."If there is a good chemistry, the upcoming summit will set the tone for EU-China relations for the next few years," she said.Chinese Premier Li Keqiang will attend the 17th China-EU leaders' meeting here. Apart from the meeting, Li will also visit Belgium and pay an official visit to France, including a visit to the headquarters of the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in Paris.

View From Abroad: Europe, India and Modi — could be starting over (Originally published 20/06/2015 at dawn.com)

It has taken one year, but Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has finally signalled an interest in reviving ties with the European Union. And the EU is ready to reciprocate, albeit cautiously.India has in fact long been the big gap in the EU’s outreach to Asia. While India and the EU declared that they were strategic partners some years ago, the relationship has never really taken off.Indians complained the EU was distracted by problems at home and its focus on China. Europeans said India was too mesmerised by the US to pay attention to Europe. Contacts between the two sides were desultory, slow-moving and lacklustre.Finally, after a year-long wait, it looks like this could change. Whether it is his “Make in India” campaign or plans for “Digital India” and “smart cities”, Modi knows he needs European know-how and money. Europe, for its part, is eager to be involved in the massive overhaul of the Indian economic system that the prime minister is promising.Modi’s warm embrace of foreign partners could soon therefore also extend to the EU and not just national European governments. To make the Delhi-Brussels rapprochement sustainable, action is required in some important areas.First, after a year of little or no high-level contact, Delhi and Brussels must resume negotiations on the much delayed Bilateral Trade and Investment Agreement (BTIA), a comprehensive deal covering all areas in goods, services and public procurement in both markets. Once signed, the agreement could act as an important launching pad for increased European investments in India.Second, India’s new economic programme opens up fresh avenues for increased EU-India alliance which go beyond the two sides’ traditional interaction. This could include cooperation in areas where both sides have a strong economic interest such as infrastructure investments, sustainable urbanisation, innovation and synergies between “Digital India” and the EU’s agenda for a Digital Single Market.Third and most importantly, there are hopes that EU and Indian leaders could meet for summit talks, possibly in November this year to coincide with the G20 summit in Antalya, Turkey. With no bilateral summit held over the last three years — the last such gathering was in February 2012 in Delhi — the EU-India relationship is in desperate need of renewed political direction to give it a new lease of life.Both sides agree that EU-India relations need to be broadened to include a “beyond-trade” agenda — and that Modi’s wide-ranging modernisation programme offers ample opportunities for such new synergies. Realistically, however, a quick relaunch of the stalled BTIA negotiations is required to get the relationship back on a constructive track and for discussions to begin in new areas.This may now happen. EU Trade Commissioner Cecilia Malmström and Indian Commerce Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, who met on the margins of an OECD meeting in Paris on June 4, have agreed to restart the BTIA talks as soon as possible. Contacts are expected to resume soon, leading to cautious hopes that the deal — eight years in the making — will finally be clinched early next year.The EU has made clear that it is targeting the emerging well-off Indian middle class for enhanced market access in automobiles, wines and spirits, and cheese. Brussels is also calling for reform in Indian laws on intellectual property rights, trade and environment, trade and labour, and wants liberal access in insurance, banking and retail trade. India, for its part, is insisting on more labour mobility, professional work visas and recognition as a data-secure country to attract more European investments in its high-tech sector.With two-way trade estimated at around €72.5 billion in 2014 while the EU’s investment stock in India was €34.7 billion in 2013, there is certainly ample room for improvement. But agreement on BTIA will require that both sides summon up the political will to look beyond the array of technical issues to the deeper strategic importance of their relations.In order to get India and the EU talking to each other on these and other equally interesting topics, Modi’s can-do spirit needs to filter down to different, less adventurous echelons of the Indian bureaucracy. The European External Action Service, meanwhile, must work in tandem with the European Commission’s trade and other departments to hammer out a fresh EU-India agenda for action which looks at new areas and interests. Such an action plan should be short, snappy and action-oriented, rather than the long wish list which the EU traditionally draws up with and for its partners. Hopefully, Such a pithy document could then be approved at the EU-India summit later this year.Above all, both sides must take a fresh look at each other. European member states have already recognised the importance of India, both as a regional actor and an influential global player. It is time the EU institutions shed their reservations and engaged with India as an increasingly powerful 21st century partner.Equally, India should recognise that while relations with national European governments are important, the EU also has much to offer. It would be a pity if the full potential of EU-India ties were to remain untapped and unexplored for another long period.

View from Abroad: I wrote this column — despite being a woman (Originally published 13/06/2015 at dawn.com)

Yes, let’s make fun of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s sexist praise of his Bangladeshi counterpart, Sheikh Hasina, for being tough on terror “despite being a woman”. Social media in India and the world over has had a field day with Modi’s comment. I’ve laughed and tweeted along with everyone else.Imagine: the leader of the world’s largest democracy — and one which had a powerful female prime minister — making such an old-fashioned, disparaging remark about women. Outrageous. Unacceptable. Shocking. Offensive. Indian men are still stuck in a time warp.Really? Once the laughter stops, let’s take a sober look at the sad reality of women’s role, status and influence in the 21st century. And let’s also recognise that there is no dearth of men — and women — who still believe that women should be neither seen, nor heard. And that those of us who do manage to live “normal” lives, sometimes even becoming prime ministers, parliamentarians, business leaders, judges, doctors, teachers, journalists and so on… do so “despite being a woman”.Take a look: Modi trolled for lauding Hasina's courage in fighting terror 'despite being a woman'The data on lack of progress on women’s rights is daunting. Too many statistics point to the hard struggle still going on to end gender discrimination in government, business, schools and at home. Women make up half the world’s population and yet represent a staggering 70% of the world’s poor. Although some changes have been made, the struggle for women’s development and empowerment continues to face many obstacles due to government neglect, discrimination, family traditions and actions by religious authorities.The good news is that achieving gender equality and empowering all women and girls is recognised as an important priority in the post-2015 development agenda. But how committed are governments to giving priority attention to women and girls in their national development plans? Even more importantly, how ready are societies to accept women as full participants?In the same week that Modi got blasted for his comments, Tim Hunt, an English biochemist who is also a Nobel laureate, told the World Conference of Science Journalists in Seoul, South Korea, that he believed scientists should work in gender-segregated labs.“Let me tell you about my trouble with girls … three things happen when they are in the lab … You fall in love with them, they fall in love with you and when you criticise them, they cry,” Hunt intoned. Oh dear.Hunt’s angry critics have warned that his comments are a “disaster for the advancement of women”. And of course, female scientists are outraged. As it is, not many girls are opting to become scientists.If only Modi and Hunt were alone in believing women aren’t really strong and stoic enough to play hard ball. As the two men have shown, rubbishing women is probably the one sentiment/prejudice that unites many men, rich or poor, educated or illiterate, living in an industrialised or a developing country.It’s a common strand in the belief and discourse of Christian conservatives and their Muslim and Jewish counterparts. Veil them, cover their bodies and keep them home is the mantra of religious zealots of all faiths. And that includes the self-styled Islamic State of course.Sadly, women are as bad as men in believing women can’t make it to the top — and sometimes shouldn’t even try.It’s personal. As a teenager when I was still in Pakistan, a female “friend” of the family suggested that as a future housewife, I should study “home economics” rather than international politics. Others asked vaguely why I wasn’t thinking of attending a “finishing school” to make me into a perfect wife.“I plan to have a job,” I remember saying with some disdain. “But only if your husband allows it!” was the angry response.Well, luckily things turned out differently. Interestingly, at a recent dinner debate in Brussels on “women and development”, almost all female participants had very moving stories to tell of their different trajectories and of the men and women — mothers and fathers — who had helped or discouraged them on their voyage to self-fulfilment.There was talk of the “HeforShe” campaign that acknowledges that men have a key role to play in women’s empowerment. The importance of role models, inspirational mentors, hard-nosed teachers was stressed. Some women said their families had encouraged them to break away from stereotypes — others acknowledged that they did not have family support as they sought their own way in life.It was an evening of laughter and some tears. Of promises that as mothers, we were bringing up our sons and daughters differently, teaching them to respect each other.Women have achieved much over the years. But there’s still a long way to go. For all the howls of derision directed at him, Prime Minister Modi has done his bit to empower women through political appointments and social policies. After taking office last May, he appointed six women to his cabinet — the highest number in the history of the country.He has taken a strong stance against female feticide, which he called a “terrible crises” since India has a child sex ratio of 918 girls for every 1000 boys, a recipe for social unrest.It’s great he’s taken these and other steps — despite being a man.

View from Abroad: A week of tears, tragedy and shame (Originally published 23/05/2015 at dawn.com)

They may disagree on many issues, but as they struggled to respond to their respective refugee crises, the European and Asian governments acted with an equally distressing disregard for human life.The Europeans showed little concern for the human rights and much — touted “European values” of tolerance etc that they often preach on the international stage and in their dealings with other states. The Asians illustrated an equal ruthlessness and lack of humanity.The Europeans turned a deaf ear to the Vatican’s appeal for mercy and charity. The Asian nations had little pity for the plight of fellow Muslims.In Europe, as the refugee crisis in the Mediterranean Sea worsened, with thousands of desperate African, Arab and Asian refugees continuing to arrive on Italian and Greek shores, the 28 European Union countries squabbled over the number of people they could “realistically” be expected to allow on to their territory.Plans were drawn up for a naval operation against the human traffickers. There was toxic talk of keeping out as many as possible of the world’s huddled masses.Take a look: In Asian seas, Rohingya migrants have nowhere to landIn Asia, the 10-nation Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) showed itself to be even more inhumane as Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia left thousands of Rohingya refugees adrift on the high seas, adamant that they could not be expected to open their doors to Myanmar’s persecuted Muslim minority.The Rohingyas were eventually given temporary shelter by Malaysia and Indonesia, but only after repeated scoldings by the United Nations to protect migrants and refugees stranded on the vessels, to give priority to saving lives, protecting rights, and respecting human dignity.Amazingly, Mynamar where persecution against the Rohingyas is rife escaped Asean censure. Thailand which has received many of the migrants said it was not going to be taking in any more. None of the other Asean states said a word of protest.A meeting to discuss the problem has been called at the end of the month — but many believe that Myanmar is unlikely to attend.Significantly, UN officials, including the UN High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein have also appealed strongly to European leaders to put human life, rights and dignity first when agreeing on a common response to what they called the “tragedy of epic proportions” unfolding in the Mediterranean Sea, where some 1,600 people have died this year trying to flee their strife-torn homelands.Certainly, it isn’t easy for any country to open its doors to thousands of foreigners in one go and to provide them with food, water and shelter — and a future.But in a world of war, violence, extremism, persecution and poverty, the mass movement of desperate people is inevitable. Pakistan opened its doors to millions of Afghans. Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey are taking in displaced Syrians.The situation of so-called “stateless” people is even worse. Palestinian refugees have been in camps for decades as have so-called “Biharis”. The Rohingyas, chased out by the Buddhist extremists in Myanmar, are unwelcome across Southeast Asia. Lampedusa in Italy is crowded with men, women and children of many different nationalities — but as they flee war and poverty, often leaving their documents behind, they might as well be stateless.The number of migrants entering the EU illegally almost tripled last year. Of the nearly 170,000 migrants who crossed the Mediterranean to Italy in 2014, more than 3,200 lost their lives trying to reach Europe. During the first two months of this year, arrivals were up 43 per cent versus the same period last year.The outlook for Asean is equally grim. Nearly 31,000 refugees took to the boats in the last three months of 2014, followed by another 25,750 in the first quarter of 2014. Europe’s initial response to the mass arrival of the refugees was feeble, disjointed and inadequate. But the reality of the human tragedy unfolding in what many now call the “sea of death” finally forced governments into action — of sorts.It’s still not clear if the distribution of the hapless people among EU member states will take place as the European Commission would like. Britain and France have already said no. With Europe’s Far Right xenophobic leaders breathing down their necks, others are not too keen either.Asean’s callousness is not unexpected. Countries in the region don’t really have a tradition of caring much about human rights and have a policy of not interfering in the affairs of others.Still, the lack of humanity initially shown by the region towards the desperate Rohingyas is cause for dismay. Most of Myanmar’s 1.1 million Rohingya Muslims are stateless and live in apartheid-like conditions. Almost 140,000 were displaced in clashes with ethnic Rakhine Buddhists in 2012.In addition to taking in the refugees, Asean must demand that Myanmar stop the continuing violence against Rohingyas. The credibility and reputation of the region is at stake. Asean may want to focus on high economic growth and its plans to build a frontier-free common market. But it would be a pity if it lost its soul in the process.

View From Abroad: Getting connected — the secret to reviving Asia-Europe ties (Originally published 16/05/2015 at dawn.com)

To count in an increasingly complex and interdependent world, you have to be connected. This is true for individuals, institutions, companies, continents, regions and countries. The growth of social media sites is testimony to the increased connectivity of individuals and groups.No connections translate into lack of influence. It means no voice, no role and no chance to make an impact. What’s true for individuals is also true for countries. The nations which have clout in this rapidly-changing 21st century are those that are connected to the rest of the world.That’s why the European Union is busy breaking down internal barriers to trade, services and the movement of goods among its 28-member states. It is also the reason that the EU and the United States are negotiating an ambitious and trade-boosting Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and it is also why the US is also hoping to conclude the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TTP) negotiations by the end of the year.Asians are embarked on a headline-grabbing connectivity agenda of their own. The Connectivity Masterplan drawn up by Asean (Association of South-East Asian Nations) is impressive in its scope and content. And of course China’s “One Belt, One Road” initiative is making waves worldwide.As these different initiatives illustrate, connectivity can and does take many forms. The first focus is clearly on transport — building roads, bridges, railways as well as maritime and air routes. There are also digital networks.Connectivity is also about building networks that connect people, schools and colleges, media, civil society organisations, businesses, policymakers and institutions.Being connected is good for the economy by helping to boost trade and investments and creating jobs. It is good for creativity and innovation. It is good for fostering mutual understanding. And, of course, it is very good for peace and stability.And that’s why is encouraging to see the attention now being paid to Asia-Europe connectivity. The topic is high on the agenda of Asem (Asia Europe Meetings) and is being widely recognised as a vital element in the efforts to revive Asem for its third decade.Certainly, compared to 1996 when Asem was first launched in Bangkok in 1996 or even 10 years ago, there is now a stronger EU-Asian conversation on trade, business, security and culture. As Asem celebrates its 20th anniversary in Mongolia next year, connectivity is expected to be an important driver for further Asia-Europe cooperation.Asia-Europe economic connectivity has grown. With total Asia-Europe trade in 2012 estimated at 1.37 trillion euros, Asia has become the EU’s main trading partner, accounting for a third of total trade and surpassing the North American Free Trade Agreement (Nafta). More than a quarter of European outward investments head for Asia while Asia’s emerging global players are seeking out business deals in Europe.The increased connectivity is reflected in the mutual Asia-Europe quest to negotiate Free Trade Agreements and investment accords. The EU and China are currently negotiating a bilateral investment agreement. The FTAs concluded by the EU with South Korea and Singapore and similar deals under negotiation with Japan, India and individual Asean countries are important in consolidating EU-Asia relations.Beyond trade and economics, Asia and Europe are linked through an array of cooperation accords. Discussions on climate change, pandemics, illegal immigration, maritime security, urbanisation and green growth, among others, are frequent between multiple government ministries and agencies in both regions, reflecting a growing recognition that 21st century challenges can only be tackled through improved global governance and, failing that, through “patchwork governance” involving cross-border and cross-regional alliances.Importantly, connectivity is the new Asem buzzword. The significance of Asia-Europe connectivity — including digital connectivity — was underscored by the Asem summit in Milan last year, with leaders underlining the contribution increased ties could make to economic prosperity and sustainable development and to promoting free and seamless movement of people, trade, investment, energy, information, knowledge and ideas and greater institutional linkages.The summit urged the establishment of an integrated, sustainable, secure, efficient and convenient air, maritime and land transportation system, including intermodal solutions, in and between Asia and Europe. It also noted the usefulness of an exchange of best practices and experiences on areas of common interest, relating for example to the governance of the EU Single Market and the implementation of the Master Plan on Asean Connectivity.A meeting of Asem summit in Milan transport ministers held in Riga discussed a common vision for the development of transport networks between Asia and Europe and emphasised the significance of connectivity between the two regions for achieving economic prosperity and sustainable development. The importance of railway links was especially underlined.Certainly, much of the talk on Asia-Europe connectivity is centred on Chinese President Xi Jinping’s plans for the Silk Road Economic Belt and a 21st century maritime Silk Road (termed together “One Belt, One Road”) aimed at building two economic corridors with important development implications for many nations, creates new opportunities for further China-EU cooperation in areas such as infrastructure, trade and investment as well as energy and resources.The initiative raises many questions: how will Europe benefit from the construction of the Silk Road Economic Belt? What is the potential for synergies between the Chinese and European infrastructure and connectivity policies? Which sectors are likely to benefit most from such cooperation? What will be the role of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank in financing the “One Belt, One Road” initiative? What is the role of youth and women in the drive to connect Asia and Europe?Is it only about infrastructure or can Asem also encourage institutional and people-to-people connectivity? The answer was given at a meeting of Asem education ministers — also in Riga — which highlighted the importance Asia-Europe cooperation in areas like mobility of students, teachers, researchers, ideas and knowledge. Finally, while increased connectivity would offer opportunities for business and trade, the darker security implications linked to the cross-border movement of arms, drugs and terrorists also need to be addressed.

Shada Islam interview: ‘AIIB will bring important input to infrastructure investment'

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OyFf1t1VnSw

Bandung and a changing world order

For proof that the world is a much-changed place, look no further than last week’s impressive Asia-Africa conference in Bandung, Indonesia, marking the 60^th anniversary of the original Cold War era summit in the same city led by Indonesia’s then leader-Sukarno.The talk in Bandung six decades ago among representatives from twenty-nine Asian and African governments of Asian and African nations was of the role of the “Third World” in the Cold War, economic development, and decolonisation.The meeting’s final resolution laid the foundation for the nonaligned movement during the Cold War. The heady talk among leaders was on the potential for collaboration among Asian and African nations and their determination to reduce their reliance on Europe and North America.Fast forward to Bandung last week and replace references to the “Third World” with the more modern “emerging nations” and it’s clear that Asia and Africa have changed dramatically since 1955.The two regions – as well as Latin America – are simultaneously driving the transformation of the global landscape and thriving because of it.The mood may be morose in Washington and EU capitals – but Asia, Africa and Latin America are on a roll. Trade is booming – including between the three regions, investments are pouring in and an emerging middle class is changing social, political and economic lifestyles.Interestingly – and worth reflecting on – is the fact that much of the transformation is the result of China’s rise and its gradual but sustained emergence as an important regional and global actor.The West, especially the United States, is finding it difficult to adjust and accommodate the deep-seated paradigm shift in power taking place around it. That’s not difficult to understand given that the US as the current dominant global power has the most to lose from the shift of power to the East.But Europe also needs to come to terms with a changed world. Here in Brussels as the European Union prepares to hammer out a new European Security Strategy to replace the one written 12 years ago it needs to pay special attention to the myriad ways in which the world is becoming different, almost daily. And it needs to forge a new outlook on China and Asia.The world viewed from Europe is indeed violent, messy and dangerous. The EU faces a host of domestic problems – Greece, unemployment, and of course the deteriorating refugee crisis. Europe is surrounded as some say by a “ring of fire”: in the east by Russia and in the south, by a turbulent Arab world.But the EU should be wary of projecting its own morosity on other regions – and indeed of basing its assumptions of Asia’s future on Europe’s tragic, war-racked past.While Europe and its neighbours are in turmoil, the rest of the world is doing better than expected – and certainly better than 60 years ago.The economies of most of the African and Asian countries gathered in Bandung are booming. Steps are being taken to combat poverty, there were successful elections in Afghanistan and Indonesia – and changes are underway in Myanmar and Vietnam next year.Emerging countries are setting their own agenda, defining their interests, building partnerships and rallying together to forge a joint vision for the future.This time the talk is also of breaking the chains of colonialism – but of a different kind; today’s African and Asian governments want an end to the economic domination of the West and of Western insitutions.As the Bandung meeting pointed out last week, the focus is on establishing a new global order that is open to emerging economic powers and leaves the "obsolete ideas" of Bretton Woods institutions in the past.President Xi Jinping of China told the conference that “a new type of international relations” was needed to encourage cooperation between Asian and African nations.Indonesian President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, the conference host, said those who still insisted that global economic problems could only be solved through the World Bank, International Monetary Fund and Asian Development Bank were clinging to a long-gone past.“There needs to be change,” he said. "It's imperative that we build a new international economic order that is open to new emerging economic powers.”In 1955, the 29 countries which met in Bandung accounted for less than a quarter of global economic output at that time; today they contribute to more than half of the world economy.Many of those countries, such as China, India and Indonesia, are now themselves at top tables like the Group of 20 and wield significant economic power.Indonesia’s Jokowi said the group was meeting again in a changed world but still needed to stand together against the domination of an unspecified “certain group of countries” to avoid unfairness and global imbalances.The creation of the China-backed Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) is one way in which emerging nations are challenging the Western-dominated economic stage. While the US has decided to stay out of the AIIB, many European countries have offered to be founding members of the new bank.Asia’s future will depend to a large extent on the economic future of China. And on relations between China and Japan.Tensions between Asia’s two biggest economies have flared in recent years due to feuds over wartime history as well as territorial rows and regional rivalry.Memories of Japan’s past military aggression run deep in China, and Beijing has repeatedly urged Japan to face up to history.In an encouraging move, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and President Xi did meet in Bandung, prompting hopes of a cautious rapprochement between the two economic giants.Peace and prosperity in Asia hinge on cordial relations, even partnerships between the region’s leading powers. And who knows if China and Japan can sidestep their historical enmities, perhaps India and Pakistan could – one day – do the same?

View from abroad : Myanmar, exiled kings and me (Originally published 18/04/2015 at dawn.com)

Our young and vivacious Myanmar guide is mystified by my question. Who exactly is this “Indian king” whose grave I want to visit in Yangon? When did he die here — why was he here in the first place? And why has no other visitor she has received ever asked to go to the tomb?She quickly goes into detective mode and thanks to the internet we discover the burial spot of Bahadur Shah Zafar, the last Mughal emperor, sent into exile in Burma by the British rulers of India. He died here in 1862, a frail and heartbroken man.The last emperor’s poignant story of pride and betrayal is magnificently told by William Dalrymple. But even before I read the book, Bahadur Shah Zafar’s tragic life and times had left an enduring mark.I am determined to visit his grave. And clearly my enthusiasm and determination are contagious. Not only are my friend and the guide anxious to go to the tomb, our chauffeur is equally curious.But locating the last Mughal’s final resting place on the internet is one thing; actually finding it in crowded, bustling Yangon is another. The address says it is in the vicinity of the magnificent Shwedagon Pagoda, a sprawling, glittering complex of golden stupas, meditating Buddhas and chanting monks which has long fascinated tourists, believers and non-believers.The evening before we had walked amid the shiny mirror mosaics and burning candles, along with hundreds of other enchanted visitors and pilgrims. There is much to see and fascinate. Everything looks bright and new. We are told that donations for the pagoda pour in daily, so more and more gold leaf is plastered on to the stupas.The people of Myanmar are rightfully proud of their Buddhist heritage —and look after it devotedly.The last Mughal emperor’s surroundings are quieter and more modest. We drive around for a bit before we find the street and then spend several minutes peering behind high walls before we come upon the unassuming yellow mausoleum.We are both saddened and reassured by what we see: the shrine is certainly small and unimpressive. But it is clean and well-looked after, with dense trees providing much-needed shade in the hot Yangon sun.We are welcomed with open arms by the friendly caretaker who is clearly thrilled to have such curious visitors to talk to. He takes us to the graves of the emperor, (actually Bahadur Shah Zafar is buried just below his “official” grave on the top floor, he tells us) his wife and granddaughter and reads out the Urdu poems inscribed on the walls, along with their English translation.There are paintings and some very moving pictures of the frail and dying king and his family. The pain on his gaunt face pierces our hearts. The caretaker tells us that his visitors are usually from South Asia — as are the donations which pay for the maintenance of the mausoleum. There are prayers on Fridays, he says proudly. “Bahadur Shah Zafar may have died a lonely and broken man — but his memory is alive,” he says proudly.For a few moments, time seems to stand still as we hear the story of the last Mughal and his life in exile. His grave was left unmarked and forgotten until 1903, the caretaker tells us, when after some protests from the Muslim community in Myanmar, the British rulers of Burma constructed a stone slab to mark the site. The spot was “lost again” only to be found in 1991. A mausoleum was constructed and inaugurated in 1994.And then just as suddenly, we are back in vibrant, modern-day Yangon. Like much of South-East Asia, Myanmar is on a roll. Encouraged by moves towards political reform and opening by the military junta which ruled the country for decades, business and investments are pouring in.China, Japan, India and neighbouring South-East Asian Nations are vying for contracts and deals while more cautious Europeans and Americans lag behind. Tourists from the four corners of the world are anxious to visit the country before it loses its authenticity.During our week in the country, the talk is about upcoming elections in November and whether or not there will be a change in the constitution so that Aung San Suu Kyi, the daughter of the nation’s slain founding father, can stand for president.Myanmar’s constitution forbids anybody with a foreign spouse or children from becoming president. Since Suu Kyi’s late husband was British, as are their two sons, there is little doubt that the provision was drafted exclusively to prevent her from becoming president.Like many countries, Myanmar is full of contradictions: newspapers talk of peace treaties between the government and some of the country’s 135 ethnic groups. Little notice is paid, however, to the plight of the more than one million Rohingya Muslims (who are not recognised as citizens but referred to as “Bengalis”) who have been herded into squalid camps by the Buddhist majority in western Rakhine state.Much to the dismay of many observers, Suu Kyi has yet to condemn the violence. But Bangladesh, Indonesia and Malaysia are pushing for more humane treatment for the Rohingyas as are the European Union, the US and international human rights groups.Dodgy politics coexist with a booming economy, huge SUVs hog the congested roads of Yangon while motorcycles and bicycles are banned from the streets and donations to monasteries and pagodas keep pouring in while schools and hospitals struggle to survive.As we travel across the country, soaking in the beauty of Bagan and the past glories of Mandalay, I have no doubt that the people of Myanmar are determined to join their South-East Asian counterparts in their march towards progress and democracy. And neither the current government — or for that matter Aung San Suu Kyi — can stand in their way.