Democracy is hard work, says Indonesian leader (13/12/11)

For a quick insight into Indonesia’s ambitions of exerting regional power and global influence, visit Bali in December when the laid-back luxury beach resort morphs into an animated hub of discussion and debate on democracy, human rights and the rule of law.Delegates to the Bali Democracy Forum are a motley crew: the meeting held last week brought together representatives from over 80 countries and hundreds of observers. The conference’s title – “Enhancing Democratic Participation in a Changing World: Responding to Democratic Voices” – may not be catchy and some of the speeches were tedious. But the message from Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono remains strong and unequivocal: Asian countries must match their economic success with democracy and political reform.The focus this year was inevitably on the Arab Spring. The Indonesian President warned that based on his country’s experience, there were no quick fixes. “It is safe to assume that in the early years, things will be more difficult before it gets better…Democratic success has to be built, earned and improvised every step of the way. Indeed elections are only one of the tools of democracy and building a mature democracy takes a lot more than holding elections.”Launched in 2008 to encourage discussion and exchange of views on democracy among Asian countries, annual meetings of the Bali Democracy Forum have become a potent exercise in Indonesian public diplomacy.The Forum has grown in credibility and prestige over the years, spotlighting Indonesia’s democratic record since the fall of President Suharto in 1998, and the country’s increasingly vocal and visible aspirations to become Asia’s prime normative power and champion of political reform and democracy.The message from Jakarta is strong and clear: Indonesia matters – in both Southeast Asian and on the global stage. The country’s new breed of gutsy and self-confident politicians and diplomats are breaking with the cautious approach of past administrations by working hard to give Indonesia a stronger regional and international voice.Indonesia’s transformation from dictatorship to a modern and robust democracy in the past decade is no modest achievement – and through the annual meetings in Bali, Indonesia wants to spread the gospel on democracy.Indonesia’s foreign policy ambitions are not new. The country has long been active on the regional and international foreign and security policy stage. However, President Yudhoyono, now serving his second and final term in office, has given a new boost to the reputation of Southeast Asia's largest economy and most populous nation, successfully portraying it as one of Asia’s most exciting countries with constructive contributions to make within the region and on the global stage.Helped by men like former foreign minister Hassan Wirajuda, Indonesian diplomacy is now in full gear, its officials no longer content to watch from the sidelines as regional and world leaders step up engagement with China and India.Mr Wirajuda, a gentle and affable man, with a sweeping vision and experience of the world tells me in Bali that Indonesia wants to share its experience with Arab countries in transition. “WE can learn from each others’ mistakes,” he says.The focus has to be on social justice, on fighting corruption on not allowing a monopoly of power. “Governments have to be sensitive to the aspirations of the people,” he underlines.Significantly, Turkey, seen as a model for mixing Islam and democracy, was also present at the Bali meeting.In the last few years, Indonesia has taken its place in the G20, become a force to be reckoned with in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and adopted a moderating role within the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC).Jakarta’s efforts at fighting terrorism and radicalization are watched carefully by its neighbours as well as the United States and the European Union.Long-term prospects are bright. Indonesia’s economic growth rates – expected to remain around the 6 per cent mark in the near future – continue to impress. Demographics are excellent; 44% of its population is under 24, meaning a growing workforce in years to come. Basic literacy rates are at 90% (although education still needs a lot of investment). The country is resource-rich. It's a major exporter of soft commodities such as palm oil, cocoa and coffee, as well as coal.But it's not just a geared play on commodities. The economy is mostly driven by domestic demand, with consumption accounting for around 60% of GDP. Indonesia is also strategically located: half of world trade passes by its northern maritime border, giving the country a strategic role in ensuring safe and secure international navigation.Small wonder then that US President Barack Obama, Chinese President Wen Jiabao, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard are among leaders who have recently trod the red carpet in Jakarta. The US and Australia are seeking to sign ambitious cooperation pacts aimed at enhancing ties with Indonesia, clearly seeing the country as a counter-weight to China's growing influence in the region.As the driving force behind many Asian regional integration initiatives. Indonesia is often held up as an example to be followed by neighbouring Burma/Myanmar, a role that Jakarta does not shun.To fulfill its regional and global ambitions, however, Indonesia will have to put its domestic house in order. Indonesians tell me the country remains riddled by corruption and religious extremism is still a problem. Few doubt that Indonesia needs to make faster progress in addressing issues like freedom of expression, military reform, police brutality (especially in Papua), treatment in prisons and of minorities.“We remain vigilant as Indonesia is not totally free from the prospect of new communal conflicts flaring up,” the Indonesian President told delegates at the Bali Forum, adding: “The more we guarantee human rights for our citizens, the more durable our democracy will become.” It is a lesson for many countries, not just those living through the so-called “Arab Spring”.

EUROPE’S BURMA SANCTIONS DILEMMA (Originally published 16/02/11)

European Union governments are set for weeks of difficult debate ahead of a planned review of long-standing sanctions against Burma/Myanmar on April 30.  EU policymakers should take a deep breath: the discussion, difficult and emotional at the best of times, has become even more complex – and urgent - following the release in November last year of opposition leader and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, the organization of elections in the country and the establishment of a new civilian government headed by Thein Sein.Critics say the elections were rigged and the military’s hold on power remains undiminished. Those pressing for a more pragmatic approach insist, however, that changed circumstances in Burma, as well as the growing influence of China and India in the country, demand a review of Western policy. That would entail at least a visible sign of European flexibility, possibly even a lifting of some sanctions.An EU decision would certainly be easier if Ms Suu Kyi came out clearly against restrictions. Instead, the NLD leader has been sending mixed signals, telling some reporters she wants to retain sanctions but asking foreign governments to invest in her country’s technology and infrastructure.The National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Ms Suu Kyi, recently called for talks with the US, EU, Australia and Canada on how best to modify sanctions to encourage democracy and human rights. The opposition group denied suggestions that sanctions were responsible for Myanmar’s economic plight, saying this was the result of bad government policies.  The NLD Statement did not, however, spell out the reasons for their claim. And in fact, several ethnic parties and other opposition parties have publicly called for lifting of economic sanctions, saying that they do hurt ordinary people.The influential Burma lobby in Europe remains implacably opposed to any move to lift sanctions. Warnings from the new Burmese government to NLD leaders that they could meet a “tragic end” if they failed to recognise the political realities in the country, certainly do not contribute to a constructive debate.Foreign Ministers of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) are pressing Washington and Brussels to lift sanctions to ensure economic development in the country. “However, it should be remembered that lifting the ban and reconciliation go hand in hand,” an ASEAN statement insisted.  EU member states are divided and undecided. Catherine Ashton, the EU’s High Representative on Foreign and Security Policy, has said she will keep a close watch on how accountable the new Parliament and government will be vis-à-vis the electorate and on the government’s stance on human rights.Britain remains committed to sanctions unless Ms Suu Kyi says otherwise. However, a leaked US diplomatic cable disclosed by the Wikileaks website recently revealed that Italy, Spain and Germany were advocating an EU “re-engagement” with the Burma.EU sanctions, introduced in 1996, include an armsre embargo and a ban on sales of equipment for internal repression, targeted financial sanctions and an EU-wide travel ban for the senior members of the military regime and their family members. The EU has also withdrawn its generalised system of preferences (GSP) for Burma’s exports, motivated by forced labour. Analysts say that incidents of forced labour are confirmed, but exclusively within the armed forces. The GSP withdrawal, however, is believed to be hurting exports of textiles and fishery products. There is also an import and export ban on timber, metals and semi-precious stones and an investment ban on enterprises owned, controlled or associated with the government.Internal evaluations of the effectiveness of sanctions have been made by the EU, but never made public. They are said to paint a disastrous picture of the impact of Western economic sanctions as counterproductive on the political level and as regards impact on the people. There is concern that maintaining sanctions could limit Burma’s economic recovery and further isolate an already inward-looking regime. Certainly, while the EU is held back by sanctions, China, India and some Southeast Asian countries, are expanding their economic presence in Burma.As they prepare for the policy review, EU governments will have to consider a more balanced policy. This could mean continuing support for the charismatic Ms Suu Kyi as a victim of repression, but more circumspection in unconditionally following her views on sanctions. What’s best for the people of the country and broader geopolitical imperatives deserve a deeper analysis. It’s going to be difficult. But it’s time to start the discussion.