The EU’s Georgieva should get the top UN job

I’ve long hoped European Commission Vice-President Kristalina Georgieva would be the next Secretary-General of the United Nations.  Fingers crossed, she may just get the job.True, Georgieva is going to be entering the race at (almost) the last minute. And it’s also true that the current frontrunner in the competition to replace Ban Ki-moon is the very capable and much-respected former UN Human Rights Commissioner Antonio Guterres.But it’s really about time the UN was led by a woman. The problem is that the leading female contender, Bulgaria’s Irina Bokova, lags firmly behind Guterres in the last straw poll. Bokova, who is current head of UNESCO, has also run into strong opposition from the United States and Britain.So it’s time to change tack.Georgieva, who is also Bulgarian and is now in her second term at the European Commission, has the qualifications, experience and personality to take charge of the global body.She should have been in the race from the start. But politics and the Bulgarian government’s decision last year to opt for Bokova as its candidate, got in the way. However, it now looks like the Bulgarians have finally seen sense and are ready to back Georgieva.Sofia’s change of heart is to be welcomed. Georgieva, formerly at the World Bank, has been an impressive European Commissioner. She shone as the EU Commissioner in charge of Humanitarian aid. And this year she also lead efforts to reform the international humanitarian system.Nothing is settled yet. The UN race is proving to be much more exciting and unpredictable than anticipated. As Richard Gowan points out “a Guterres versus Georgieva contest would be a dream matchup for many UN officials and analysts…Both have held top-level humanitarian portfolios and were widely praised for their performances.”But for all the reasons I’ve mentioned, I’m putting my money on Georgieva.

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Europe’s real crisis comes from its eastern members, not Brexit

Europe's multiple crises have become the stuff of legend. They dominate the headlines, cast a dark shadow over the EU’s daily life, make EU leaders squirm in discomfort and colour the bloc’s relations with the rest of the world.

Where to begin? There’s the continuing eurozone crisis, with Greece still being squeezed on all fronts, Spain and Portugal struggling to make ends meet and the rest of the currency zone mired in stagnation.

There’s high unemployment across the bloc, with jobless rates over 50 per cent for young people in Spain.

There’s the continuing influx of refugees and migrants seeking to escape war and conflict in the Middle East, Afghanistan and many African countries. And the surge in refugee numbers has in turn triggered an increase in support for far right parties.

And then there’s Brexit. As Britain goes to the polls on June 23 to vote for leaving or staying in the EU, the Brexit debate looms large not just over Britain but also over the rest of the EU.

The discussion veers towards hysteria in the UK, where the Conservative Party is embroiled in an open civil war over the issue and public opinion remains polarised on whether being a member of the EU is good or bad for Britain.

Many fear that if Britain leaves the bloc, other equally restless political groups will begin clamouring for an exit as well, prompting the beginning of the end of Europe.

Yes, Brexit, migration, slow growth and unemployment are major problems facing the EU. They weigh heavy on the minds of Europe’s great and the good.

But the real threat to Europe’s future isn’t often discussed — and if it is, the talk is hushed and fearful.

The danger Europe faces does not come from across the Channel — it comes from the east, from several former communist countries which joined the EU with great aplomb in 2004 and which today are challenging the spirit and the soul of the EU.

The EU’s eastward enlargement was celebrated as a victory of democracy over authoritarian rule and a celebration of the spread of liberal ideas across vast swathes of eastern and central Europe.

But it looks like the bad times are back. Many in western Europe bemoan the emergence of indecent and illiberal democracies in the east as the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland — the so-called Visegrad group — thumb their nose at their western neighbours by refusing to fall into line on questions like immigration and openly defy EU institutions on freedom of the media and the rule of law.

In recent months, all four countries have been the most vocal opponents of the EU response to the migration crisis. Hungary and Slovakia have been criticised for their anti-immigrant rhetoric.

Their leaders’ talk has often verged on Islamophobia as they have rejected calls to welcome refugees from the Middle East. Some have built fences to keep the refugees out.

Their words and actions echo those of Europe’s xenophobic and anti-immigrant far right parties — but unlike far right leaders who are outside government, the leaders of the Visegrad group are full-fledged members of the European Council.

Having failed to prevent Hungary from moving toward illiberal policies since Viktor Orban was elected prime minister in 2010, the Commission is taking a tougher stand against Poland which is under a European Commission investigation into the state of the rule of law after controversial constitutional reforms.

The unprecedented EU move — based on a so-called “rule of law framework” adopted in 2014 — is designed to tackle the threat posed by quasi-authoritarian regimes within the EU.

It follows criticism that while the EU is tough with countries outside the EU and those negotiating to join the club, once countries become EU members there is little that can be done to stop them from breaking basic EU rules.

The EU action on rule of law could lead to sanctions against Poland, including the country being stripped of EU voting rights.

But far from showing any remorse for violating European values, leaders of the four countries insist that they are setting the standards for the rest of Europe.

Czech premier Bohuslav Sobotka, Slovakia’s Robert Fico, Hungary’s Viktor Orban and Poland’s Beata Szydlo stood proudly together after a summit in Prague last week to underline they were winning the battle of ideas in Europe.

Szydlo and Orban were the clearest in describing central and eastern Europe as a model rather than as a troublemaker, with Orban saying the region is the “most stable region in terms of economy and politics”.

There are several ironies in the saga. First, even as they refuse to take in migrants and refugees from the Middle East, Polish, Hungarian and other eastern European nationals are part of huge migrant populations in western Europe.

Second, it is the increase in the number of migrants from eastern European states — especially Bulgaria and Romania but also from Poland — which is part of the toxic Brexit debate on immigration in Britain.

Third, Slovakia is set to take over the six-month presidency of the EU Council as of July 1 this year.

As such, Fico, whose anti-migrant rants still echo across Europe, will be in the driving seat of EU policies on crucial questions linked to the refugee and migration crisis over the next six months.

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By Nawab KhanBRUSSELS, March 6 (KUNA) -- Leaders of the 28-member European Union are to make another attempt on Monday to tackle Europe's worst refugee problem since World War II (WW2) amid warnings that the continuing impasse could lead to a collapse of the EU itself.EU leaders will hold the summit with Turkey the front-line state which is host to some 2.5 million refugees. They want Ankara to stop the flow of refugees to Europe. In November 2015, the EU and Turkey signed a three billion euro Joint Action Plan to better manage the situation, but the ambitious plan has yet to bear fruit.About one million refugees from Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan left their countries to escape war and persecution and seek shelter in European countries in 2015.Analysts opine that EU member states have miserably failed to agree on a relocation scheme of a mere 160,000 refugees, and politicians and analysts are warning that Europe's disunity in responding to the refugee crisis has created an existential threat to the European integration project. "In the next 10 days we need tangible and clear results on the ground otherwise there is the risk the whole system will completely break down," warned last week the EU's Commissioner for Migration and Home Affairs Dimitris Avramopoulos.March 2016 may well make it into the history books as a make or break month for the EU," commented Rosa Balfour, an analyst at the Brussels office of the German Marshall Fund think tank. She said that the EU-Turkey Summit of March 7 and the EU leaders' summit March 17-18 "will have to produce short and long term measures addressing the current mayhem caused by the European governments' disorderly responses to the surge of refugees fleeing from conflict in the Middle East and elsewhere." Balfour opined that "it is hard to see how solutions will take shape, but it is safe to assume that continuing this paralysis will lead to further disintegration, starting with Britain leaving the EU." Moreover, the failure to deal with the refugee crisis has increased political tensions between the EU member states themselves. Greece has recently recalled its ambassador from Austria after Vienna accused Athens of not doing enough to protect its borders from the influx of refugees.French Interior Minister Bernard Cazeneuve complained, last month, that Paris had not been informed of Belgium's decision to reinstate border controls at its borders with France. Moreover, analysts are alarmed that the refugee crisis has increased the outburst of racist and Islamophobic attacks against the refugees not only by far-right extremist groups but also by European leaders and politicians.Hungary's Prime Minister Viktor Orban was among the first European leaders to advocate exclusion of Muslim migrants from entering Hungary and he even erected fences to stop the refugee flow to Hungary from Turkey through the Western Balkans and Greece.Vincent Cochetel, Director of the UN refugee agency, UNHCR, Bureau for Europe and UNHCR's Regional Refugee Coordinator for the refugee crisis in Europe, told reporters in Brussels last Friday that "we had a number of statements from some Central European leaders that in my view are clearly Islamophobia." He noted that those statements compared the "arrival of Syrians to the Turkish Ottoman invasion." Shada Islam, director of policy in the Brussels-based think tank Friends of Europe, commented that Europe's global reputation and hopes of playing a stronger international role depend on its internal conduct and policies."The tone and content of the refugee and migration debate have repercussions on Europe's internal cohesion, economic dynamism and societal harmony, but also impact strongly on EU foreign policy and international standing," she wrote in an opinion piece."When Muslims are targets of racist attacks and discrimination, the EU's role and influence in helping to stabilise a very volatile Arab and Muslim world is diminished," she opined.However, the President of the European Council, Donald Tusk, is hopeful that Monday's meeting would result in some sort of European consensus to deal with the refugee situation. "For the first time since the beginning of the migration crisis, I can see a European consensus emerging," he wrote in his invitation letter to EU leaders for the summit. "It is a consensus around a comprehensive strategy that, if loyally implemented, can help stem the flows and tackle the crisis," he said.

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